THE STORY OF
CHILDREN LIVING AND WORKING ON THE STREETS OF

ORDINARY JUST LIKE ANY OTHER PERSON
SNV/Kenya and GTZ PROSYR
This report provides reasonable estimates of the number of
working children in
1.1 Aims and Objectives of the Study
1.2 Conceptualisation of the Research Population
1.3 The Research Methodology and geographical coverage
1.5 Organisation of the Report
2.2 The Data Sources and Instruments
2.3 The Composition of the Research Teams
The Preparatory Phase: Ensuring Participation
Acquiring Knowledge and Skills in Research Methods
Training in Qualitative Research
Data Analysis and Report Writing
The Issue of Rights and Children’s Participation
Quality of Research on Street Children in Kenya
Establishing the Magnitude of the Problem
Public Perceptions of Street Children
Greater Vulnerability of Girls
Activities Engaged in by Street Children
Interventions and Organisations
The Age Profile of the Children
4.2 Care, Subsistence and Home
Children ‘of’ and ‘on’ the Street
Profile of Caretakers of the Young
LIFE ON THE STREETS OF NAIROBI
Non-work and Friendship Activities
5.3 Perceptions and Aspirations
Attitudes to Sex and Sexuality
5.4 Intervening on behalf of the Children
THE SILVER LINING: MOVING FORWARD
Perspectives of the Research Consultants and Monitors
6.5 Recommendations for Action
Using Education as a Key Strategy
Girl Friendly Facilities and Structures
Promoting Transformative Pedagogy
Gender Responsive Vocational Skills Training and Income Generating Activities
Provision of Day Care for the Very Young
Disseminating the Study Findings
6.6 Recommendations for Further Research
Annex 1: Headcount Questionnaire
(Kiswahili Version)
Annex 2: Headcount Questionnaire
(English Version)
Annex 3: Under Five Headcount
Questionnaire (Kiswahili Version)
Annex 4: Under Five Headcount Questionnaire
(English Version)
Annex 5: Survey Questionnaire
(Kiswahili Version)
Annex 6: Survey Questionnaire
(English Version)
Annex 7: Organisations and
Services Offered as Perceived by Respondents by Gender
Annex 8: Data collection and field
monitoring teams
Table
1: Roles and Responsibilities of Research Team Members
Table
2: Distribution of research sites per group
Table
4: Age of Children Living and Working on the Streets by Locale and Gender
Table
5: Children Living and Working on Streets of Nairobi by Ethnicity
Table
6: Number and Percentage of Children in
School
Table
7: Number and Percentage of Children 'Of' the Streets of Nairobi
Table
8: Age of person with child under the age of 5
Table
9: Reasons
for Coming to the Streets by Locale and Gender (Pull Factors)
Table
10: Number of Children who responded to being Orphans
Table
11: Reasons for Leaving Home
Table
12: Reasons for coming to the streets
Table
13: Children "On" the Streets by Gender and Locale
Table
14: Areas of Concentration of Children in Research Locales
Table
15: Children's Work-Related Activities.
Table
16: Recreational Activities of Girls and Boys
Table
17: Activities done with friends disaggregated by gender of respondents
Table
18: Place of Worship by Gender
Table
19: Level of Schooling by Gender
Table
20: Skills Training by Gender
Table
21: Problems Faced By Children on the Streets
Table
22: People Feared Most by Children Living and Working in the Streets
Table
23: Public Perceptions and labelling of “Street” Children
Table
24: Perceptions of Street Children on Ways of Contracting AIDS
Table
25: Future Plans of the Children for the Next One-Year
Table
26: Beneficiaries by Gender and Age
Table
27: Evaluating Interventions
Figure
1: Distribution of Children by Research Locale
Figure
2: Distribution of Children by Age and Locale
Figure
3: Proportion of Children in the Under-Five Population by Gender
Figure
4: Percentage Distribution of Children by Ethnicity
Figure
5: Percent Distribution of Children in School
Figure
6: Mother’s Occupation by Gender of Respondent
Figure
7: Father’s Occupation by Gender of Respondent
Figure
8: Numbers of Years Spent on the Street by % of respondents
Figure
9: No. of Years Spent (in single years) on the Street by Gender
Figure
10: Reasons for Coming to the Streets.
Figure
11: The Gender Ratio of “Child-Beggars” counted in 12 locales in Nairobi
Figure
12: Children Scavenging on the Streets by Gender
Figure
13: Level of Schooling by gender in %..
Box
2: Lessons Learnt from the Presentations
Box
3: Problems identified and highlighted during feedback sessions
Box
4: A Street Child by any other name
Box
8: Earning a Living from the Streets
Box
12 Promoting Positive Self-Images
Box
15: Perception of Organisations
Box
16: The Friendly Street People
List of Annexes
Annex
1: Headcount Questionnaire (Kiswahili Version)
Annex 2: Headcount Questionnaire (English Version)
Annex 3: Under Five Headcount Questionnaire (Kiswahili
Version)
Annex 4: Under Five Headcount Questionnaire
Annex 5: Survey Questionnaire (Kiswahili Version)
Annex 6: Survey Questionnaire (English Version)
Annex 7: Organisations and Services Offered as Perceived by
Respondents by Gender
Annex 8: Data collection and field monitoring teams
AIDS Acquired
Immune Deficiency Syndrome
AMREF
CBs Community
Based
CBOs Community Based Organisations
CNSP Children in need of special protection
CRC Convention
on the Rights of the Child
FGD Focus
Group Discussion
GOK Government
of
GTZ German Technical
Cooperation
HIV Human
Immune Virus
ID Identification Card
KCC
NCBDA Nairobi
Central Business District Association
NCNN National Children in Need Network
NCPD National Council for Population and
Development
NGO Non-Governmental
Organisation
NR No Response
PROSYR Integrated
Promotion of Street Children and Youth at Risk Project
PACR Participatory Action Research with
Children
SC –
SNV The
SPSS Statistical
Package for Social Sciences
STDs Sexually Transmitted Diseases
STIs Sexually Transmitted Infections
UNCRC United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
UNICEF United
Nations Children’s Fund
WERK Women Educational Researchers of
WWL Watoto
wa Lwanga
SNV/Kenya Street Children Programme together with GTZ/GoK-Project ‘Integrated Promotion of Street Children and Youth at Risk’ acknowledge:
The tireless efforts made by Partner
Organisations, namely Baraka Za Ibrahim, Boma Rescue Centre- Dandora, Creative
Learning Centre - Pumwani, Comima Covenant Centre - Kariobangi, Edelvale Home, GOAL Kenya, Imani
Children’s Home, Korogocho Street Children Program (KSCP), Made in the Streets,
Make a Better World, Mathare Hope Family Centre, Mukuru Promotion Centre,
Pendekezo Letu, Rescue Dada, Sisters of Mercy DKA- office, Source of Solution
Integrations Programme, Stars for Jesus/Kasarani, Slum Dolphin-Korogocho, Save the Children Centre, Tunza Dada
Center/Kasarani, UNDUGU Society of Kenya, UNGANA Friends of AMREF, Watoto Wa
Lwanga (WWL) and Youth against Drugs who provided staff to assist in the data
collection in the field.
Appreciate the efforts each one of
the fifty-five social workers who spent four months tirelessly talking and
questioning children – both day and night
Sammy Mwangi and Jocelyn Muraya for
your tireless efforts in coordinating and handling the administration of the
research process, your personal effort was admirable
WERK for taking on this challenging
assignment on our behalf
WERK members and friends who helped
with data entry and report writing
The study sought to look at the complex lives of the children living and or working in the streets of 12 selected locations of Nairobi, namely: Kibera, Korogocho, Kasarani, Nairobi West/Wilson Airport/Madaraka, Pumwani/Ziwani/Kariakor/Majengo, City Centre, Buru Buru/Kariobangi South/KCC, Dandora/Maili Saba, Huruma/Kariobangi, Embakasi, Mukuru and Mathare/Eastleigh/Pangani by adopting a broad-based, two pronged approach. It sought to do a headcount of these children profiling their lives in detail. Unlike previous studies that include children from the sprawling slums this study only dealt with those children either living or working on the streets. The study also attempted to go beyond the numbers to reconstuct their lives as they live it on a daily basis.
The broad objectives of the study were: to generate information useful for project planning, to map out the situation of street children in different areas of Nairobi, to distinguish the proportions of the different categories of street children in Nairobi, to give the children an opportunity to express their views regarding their lives on the street and to provide partner organisations with a situational analysis of the children that they work with.
Providing Accurate Numbers:
One of the most disputed aspects of knowledge on children living and working on
the streets of
The figure of 10,424 children counted and revealed by the present study is based on the headcount of children who live and work in the streets of the above-mentioned 12 selected locales within Nairobi District. To some, the number counted may appear to be rather conservative. While it is true that there could be some element of under-counting, the findings may be validated on the basis of the following:
§ One of the greatest strength of the study is derived from the fact that the figures proposed are neither “guesstimates” nor even estimates of street children. They are based on the physical count of children including those under 5 years of age depended on their caretakers giving consent to be counted and interviewed.
§
Though the research locales selected represent a
large part of Nairobi District, other key areas such as Westlands, Dagoretti,
Kawangware and Karen/Langata, believed to have large concentrations of the
targeted children, were not covered. Thus the numbers presented refer to the
population of the children in the study locales only and not to the whole of
§ The major focus of the study was on children as defined by the CRC, that is, people eighteen years and below. Only about 18.2 percent of the numbers counted were youth aged between 18-25 years. According to key informants as well as the researchers, it is believed that full inclusion of this older age category would have pushed the total count upwards, since more and more street families and gangs of young men can be found in the city.
Making Girls Visible:
Girls generally tend to be invisible in most studies on street children. The
recent study of street families in
Disaggregation of the findings by age reveals a narrower gender gap in the under-five age bracket. As many as 45 percent of the under-five children were found to be females.
The Age Profile: The research reveals the dominance of
eleven to fifteen year olds on the streets of
The Ethnic Factor: The study exposed that the majority of the children, regardless of gender, identify themselves as Agikuyu. However, it also suggests that the population of Gikuyus among the street children may have been grossly exaggerated in other studies. While the Gikuyus constitute a significant proportion (46%) of all ethnic groups represented among the street children, the non-Gikuyus in the street children population, put together, are more in number. This notwithstanding, most of the children on the streets can speak the Kikuyu language. Other than Kikuyu, knowledge of Kiswahili was found to be almost universal next the ‘Sheng’ – their own street language.
Schooling: Overall, only 39.5 percent of the children counted and interviewed were attending school while an overwhelming number of children were not participating in any form of formal or non-formal education. Nevertheless a total of 48.5 percent of the girls and 36.5 percent of the boys claimed to be involved in some form of educational programme. Interestingly in Korogocho 56.2 percent of the boys claimed to be going to school. The highest number of children who claimed to be going to school fell within the age bracket of 11-15 years translating to 56.71 percent of the total number of respondents.
Parental Occupation and Streetism: Unemployment among parents of the respondents was quite high. Almost a quarter of the respondents claimed that their mothers did not work whereas less than a tenth said their fathers did not. Analyses of the parental occupations mentioned suggest that these are menial, poorly paying and often highly labour intensive jobs. The implications of this may be many including inability to meet basic family obligations leading to broken homes, high incidences of child neglect and abandonment, absentee parenthood and a tendency to encourage children to obtain employment by any means in order to supplement the family income. This view is supported by the findings that indicate that children are sent out to the streets to earn a living for themselves and even to support other members of the family.
Most employed mothers were said to be engaged in petty trading while the fathers were reportedly doing more skilled but also unskilled manual work. Some parents also engaged in household and domestic work, farming, illicit brewing, and begging for a living. Others did professional / managerial/technical or clerical work, proprietorship, guarding homes/premises, thievery/robbery or engaged in commercial sex work for a living. The percentage of girls with non-working parents was higher than that of boys (6.8% of the female responses and 17.1% of the male responses for the mother’s occupation; 2.8% of the female and 6.9% of the male responses). A number of children did not know anything about their parents’ occupations.
Children ‘Of’ and ‘On’ the Streets: Many of the children claimed that their parents were either deceased or had abandoned them. Abandonment by or death of fathers was found to be more common than abandonment by or death of mothers. The implication is that there were more single mothers than there were fathers. The death of either or both parent and abandonment in turn increases the likelihood of children turning or being turned out to the streets because of limited or no resources for their sustenance within the extended family setting. Children either orphaned or abandoned were found to be among those who had found permanent residence on the streets (approximately 14% of the total sample). Among the children ‘of’ the streets, over 65 percent were male. Most of the children who identified themselves fully with the streets were to be found in Mukuru and City Centre.
Time spent on the Streets: About 63 percent of the children had been on the streets either on a part time or full time basis for up to 5 years. Over 12 percent had been on the streets for between 6-10 years while another 13 percent could not remember when they had started to frequent the streets.
Caretakers of the Very Young: Two issues with regard to the characteristics of the caretakers of infants on the streets stand out. Firstly, the bulk of the caretakers are females, particularly mothers (56%) and sisters (12%); secondly, the age of the caretakers - who are either children (37%) themselves or are youth below the age of thirty (36%). An additional point of interest is the presence of young boys (7%) on the streets who take care of their younger siblings. Though fewer in numbers than their female counterparts, their role in the looking after the even younger children should not be ignored.
Reasons for Streetism: The study found that children were on the streets for a variety of reasons the major ones being, in order of frequency: to earn money, search for food and/or look for recreation---all described in the literature on street children as “pull” factors. These “pull” factors are symptomatic for children from economically poor families who suffer from lack of adequate attention and care at home as their parents spend most of their time and energy in securing the mere survival. It is also not surprising that “domestic conflicts” and “domestic violence” featured as one key “push” factor for streetism.
Significantly none of the children cited ‘sex’ as a reason for being on the streets. It is probable that of necessity rather than on their own volition, once on the streets children are introduced into sexual activity either for recreation or money or they are being forced into it and/or raped.
The Street Sub-Culture: Once on the streets others initiate the children into streetism in order for them to survive. Children’s rights are violated constantly as they are often harassed and exploited and they exploit others in turn. In absence of adult care and guidance they are forced to assume adult responsibilities and take care of themselves and sometimes their siblings and fellow children at a tender age. Out of necessity they have to look for work and they are easy to exploit through meagre or sometimes no pay. They are thrust into a bleak, harsh and depraved environment often fraught with constant and sustained danger in various forms such as:
· Harassment
· Violence amongst themselves and towards others
· Drug taking and trafficking
· Sexual exploitation accompanied by a high risk of contracting STIs and HIV/AIDS
· Loneliness and fear
· Physical and emotional abuse and neglect
· Starvation
· Exposure to the elements
· Early, unplanned and uncontrolled pregnancy and parenthood
· Poor hygienic and sanitation conditions
The Vicious Cycle of Negativity and Violence: During interviews with the members of the security forces and the public and the children themselves during the three children’s workshops held it emerged that children felt that they were unfairly blamed by members of the public for theft, robbery and other infractions of the law. Often they were beaten and harassed for real of imagined misdemeanours. The younger children, especially boys identified the police as among the persons feared most because they continually harassed them. Girls feared the older street boys the most because they organised gang rapes sometimes ‘to teach them a lesson” if they declined to have sex with someone, break up with someone or as mere punishment. The girls reported that they could be taken advantage of and being gang raped if they merely visited another base and they were known to be unmarried [without a boyfriend protecting them].
Younger children expressed fears of being stolen/abducted and often felt insecure when strangers approached them. The older girls cited incidents of colleagues who had been sexually molested and subjected to bestiality. These experiences heightened their sense of insecurity and vulnerability.
Recreation and Socialisation Activities: Life on the streets is not all about violence and abuse. The children develop strong friendships and spirit of mutual support and assistance. They play, sing, watch videos, tell each other stories and go to church together among other activities. Many of the recreational activities that girls and boys engage in are similar, but there are gender-based differences too. More boys than girls admitted to aggressive behaviour and the usage of a wider variety of drugs.
Defending Street Life: Some of the children even went to the extent of defending street life. They rationalised that the streets provide them with food, drinks and money. They enjoy the freedom to move around, not to be commanded around, to smoke, sniff glue, and for the boys, to have girl friends.
Attitudes to Sex and Sexuality: Though boys tend to see sex as recreation, for girls it often turns into a commercial activity or a way to secure a sense of belonging and/even protection through their ‘boy friends’. Both genders are aware that unprotected sex may lead to death and disease but few stated to be using protection/condoms. Their awareness of the causes of STIs and HIV/AIDS is tempered by a mix of facts and fiction.
Children’s
perceptions of existing interventions: About
half of children interviewed had some knowledge about various organisations
that offer services to street children. However, this awareness did not
necessarily translate into utilisation of and/or participation in the same.
Education tops the list of benefits that the children said they derived from
their involvement with these organisations, followed by food and clothes. Few
had benefited from medical assistance or recreational activities such as
football. Among the main reason for non-participation was the dislike of the
mode and degree of discipline enforced in schools and centres including rigid
rules and regulations, and the curtailment of their freedom of movement and
association. Both boys and girls also noted that while some organisations
should be appropriately rewarded for the good work they were doing, others
should be scrutinised, as their activities did not benefit the street children.
The following policy recommendations were suggested; policy planners must adopt multi-faceted, multi-targeted and multi-tiered approaches if they have to make an impact on the lives of children on the streets. It is necessary to have clear policy guidelines regarding working with children on the streets to ensure that they are not exploited, their problems are not aggravated and their rights protected.
As for recommendations for action
the following suggestions were given: child-friendliness of institutions
working with street children whether formal or non-formal should be increased and
so should the provision of psychosocial life skills and the application of
transformative pedagogy that is learner-centred, interactive and participatory.
Other suggestions given are, provision of day care for the very young so as to enable their caretakers (often teenage mothers) to attend classes and engage in income generation activities; advocacy and lobbying at different levels for the implementation of the rights of children pushed and pulled to the streets by various factors; and capacity building targeting a variety of service providers including teachers, law enforcement agents and social workers on relevant knowledge and skills.
The
appearance of children who seemed to spend most of their time on the street in
Part
of the problem of designing effective interventions is the lack of adequate and
reliable information. Current projections of the population of children living
and working on the streets of
Moreover,
the little data that is available tends not to be disaggregated, tending to
categorise all poor urban children as “street children”. But clustering all
poor urban children under the generic descriptor of “street children” distorts
reality. In addition, such clustering cloaks the diversity of age, gender,
ethnicity, religion and even sub-cultures that characterise children living and
working on the streets. Consequently, the programme designer is unable to make
any distinctions with regard to the peculiar characteristics and specific needs
of the various groups of children thus running the danger of developing
inappropriate interventions.
It
is in view of the above weaknesses in available information on “street
children” that SNV/Kenya Street Children Programme and GTZ/Integrated Promotion
of Street Children and Youth at Risk Project (PROSYR) in partnership with
various other interested organisations decided to undertake a study of those
groups of urban children commonly referred to as “street children”. The Women Educational Researchers of Kenya
(WERK), a Nairobi-based professional association dedicated to gender equity and
equality through linking research to action and advocacy, was contracted to
co-ordinate the research process and provide technical in-put into the study.
Aims and objectives of the study, as formulated by the contracting agencies, were to:
a)
Generate information-quantitative and qualitative-useful
for project planning by service providers of street children in
b)
Map out the situation of street children in the
different areas of
c)
Distinguish the proportions of the different categories
of street children in
d) Give the children an opportunity to express their views regarding their lives on the street
e) Provide partner organisations with a situational analysis of the children that they work with
f) Give an indication of the exact numbers of street children to form the basis for well-informed planning at policy level
g) Build the research capacity of members of organisations providing services to street children and document this process.
For the purpose of the study, the
research population was perceived to be children
living and working on the streets. This definition was deliberately adopted
to include all groups of children who,
whether on a full-time or part-time basis, regard the streets of
From the onset, key stakeholders involved in the research process agreed that children living and working on the streets are usually to be found in the following areas[2]:
· Garbage dumps
·
Next to the
· Market areas
· Abandoned vehicles and houses
· Playgrounds and open fields
· Shopping centres, hotels and bars
· Mosques, especially on Fridays where they might converge to get alms from the Muslim devotees after prayers
· Scrap paper and metal collection and selling points
· Remand homes, cells and courts
· Slaughter houses
· Drop-in centres
· Fuel stations
· Car parks
· Bus stops
· Churches
· Cinema/video halls
· Public toilets
· Street junctions and traffic lights
In the current study, most of the above locations were visited within the various sites to count the children. However, there were some notable exceptions. For example, remand homes, cells and courts were considered to be restricted areas and as such out of reach to the researchers.
The definition of “children” agreed upon in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is those people below the age of eighteen. This definition was used in the study. However, it was recognised that subjective definitions of children may exist in the streets, and who we perceive to be children may not be so considered by the research population itself. Subjective definitions of children would most likely be influenced by African traditions like circumcision for boys, and marriage and motherhood for girls.
It was also recognised that sometimes it would not be possible to adhere to the upper age limit of eighteen years very strictly. In the first place, the children may not themselves be sure about their age. In the second place, researchers may interview some who appear to be under eighteen years only to find out later that the respondent is actually older than estimated. In situations of malnutrition, the likelihood of people appearing younger than their biological age is quite real. At the end of the day, the age of the children was bound to be subjective based on what they believed their age was since we had no objective way of verifying it.
Eventually, it was agreed that theoretically, the primary focus of the study would be on children as defined by the CRC, that is, individuals between the ages of 0-18[5] as perceived by the research subjects themselves or in the case of the under-five age group, as estimated by their caretakers. Young people (19-25) would constitute a secondary target of the research.
Another term that posed a problem in defining was that of “street”. In the present context street was taken to refer to not only the main thoroughfares and side roads within the research locales, but also the alleyways whether tarmacked or otherwise.
These were negotiated definitions. As recounted in chapter two, the key terms were discussed and the definitional parameters agreed upon between the research co-ordinating team represented by the WERK members and members of organisations working with street children nominated to be part of the field team.
A term that provokes debate is “street children”. The present study recognises the derision with which many people regard children so classified. Given this negative connotation it is used with caution, shorn of any negative qualities that the concept tends to conjure in the minds of the most people.
With Nairobi as the principal study locale, twelve sites were purposively selected for the quantitative component, namely: Kibera, Korogocho, Kasarani, Nairobi West/Wilson Airport/Madaraka, Pumwani/Ziwani/Kariakor/Majengo, City Centre, Buru Buru/Kariobangi South/KCC, Dandora/Maili Saba, Huruma/Kariobangi, Embakasi, Mukuru and Mathare/Eastleigh/Pangani and three of these for the qualitative part, namely: City Centre, Korogocho and Mukuru. The data collection exercise was conducted mainly by staff seconded to the research project by organisations involved with the protection and care of children living or working on the streets. The research design was developed by WERK with participation of the partner organisations and in-put from the initiating agencies (SNV and GTZ). Details of the research methodology and process are captured in Chapter Two.
The study was conducted in two phases. Phase I which consisted of the quantitative component and included the headcount of children living and working on the streets as well as the administration of the survey questionnaire, took place between September 2001 and February 2002. The second phase focusing on the qualitative research overlapped with the end of the first phase, the process beginning in the third week of January and continuing into the second week of February 2002. This was due to an extension of the quantitative fieldwork. (See section on Lessons Learnt in Chapter 6.3)
The research is presented in two volumes: Volume one contains the analytical report while volume two presents the quantitative data in form of tables. This is the first of the two volumes.
Volume one is divided into six substantive chapters. Chapter One provides the background to the study; Chapter two describes the process of instrument development, training for the fieldwork, data collection and analysis; and Chapter Three reviews literature pertinent to the research. The research findings are presented in Chapters Four and Five with the former summarising the findings of the Head Count questionnaire, and the latter integrating the data derived from the Survey Questionnaire and obtained through qualitative methods. Finally, in the third part of the volume, comprising Chapter Six, the conclusions, including the lessons learnt (incorporating the experiences of the field researchers) are drawn and recommendations made.
In addition to the main body of the report is a comprehensive bibliography of the literature reviewed. The annexes present copies of the various research instruments that were used during the data collection process.
As
mentioned in the previous chapter, the study was guided by the twin principles
of inclusiveness and participation. This was reflected in the entire process:
in the composition of the research teams, developing the design, the collection
of data and finally analysis and report writing. Both quantitative and
qualitative components of the study were conducted within the qualitative
research paradigm. This chapter recapitulates the research process, describing
how the study was conceptualised, definitions negotiated, instruments developed
and data collected among other issues.
There
are fundamental differences between quantitative and qualitative research
paradigms that go beyond just numbers or the absence of them. The two types of
research are based on contrasting assumptions about the nature of the social
world and social reality. The quantitative research paradigm, on the one hand,
assumes that the social world and social reality may be studied in the same way
as the natural world of elements, trees and animals. The qualitative research
paradigm, on the other hand, perceives social reality, actively constructed
(and deconstructed) by human beings, to be strikingly different and therefore
requiring very different methods of study. It also recognises that social
reality is not monolithic and homogenous; instead, one may talk of multiple
realities operating within the same broad socio-cultural and economic contexts.
Traditionally,
the quantitative research paradigm had dominated the social sciences claiming
to be more “objective” and hence “scientific”. There had been a tendency to
dismiss research conducted within the qualitative paradigm as being anecdotal
and inferior. In recent years, these
views have convincingly been challenged. It is increasingly being realised that
to adequately understand the social world of human beings, and develop relevant
interventions, qualitative research is necessary and appropriate. This is
particularly true in the case of the study of minority groups, such as the subjects
of the present assessment, whose voices tend to remain inaudible and spirit
shackled within the more conventional research traditions.
The
adoption of a qualitative research framework in the present study may thus be
justified on several grounds:
1.
It allows for a
flexible research design;
2.
It allows
visibility of the dispossessed and deprived and their voices to be heard;
3.
It allows the
collection of sociologically significant data (statistical data obtained within
a quantitative research paradigm may not be sociologically significant); and
4.
It allows
capturing multiple realities rather than a monolithic view of the social world
It
may be argued that the present research used two quantitative instruments to
obtain the bulk of the data. While this is true, it must be pointed out that
the instruments were developed and administered within the qualitative
paradigm. In addition, more overtly qualitative methods including workshopping,
key informant interviewing, games and focus group discussions were also used
for the collection of data. The qualitative framework also guided the selection
of the sample and data analysis processes.
The
research used multiple methods of data collection and various sources of data,
both primary and secondary. Among the methods used were:
·
Document analysis
using a document review guide. The review included the review of published and
unpublished literature (See Chapter Three)
·
Head count using
a brief researcher administered questionnaire for the over-five children. A
total of 9,412 interviewer-assisted questionnaires were administered.
·
Another
questionnaire, even shorter than the one for the Headcount, to identify those
less than five years of age in all the twelve research locales were administered
to any street person found with a child below the age of five. A total of 727
questionnaires were completed in this category.
·
Survey using a
semi-structured questionnaire administered to children who volunteered to give
detailed information about themselves in all the twelve research sites. A total
of 606 survey questionnaires were completed, assisted by the interviewers.
·
Children’s
workshops conducted in three selected sites (i.e. City Centre, Korogocho and
Mukuru) on the 13th, 14th and 16th February
respectively. Majority of the workshop participants were boys ranging in age
between the ages of 10-24. (More details provided in Chapter Five).
·
Interviews using
interview guides to obtain additional information from children as well as
adults working in relevant organisations.
·
Essays written by
some of the researchers reflecting on their fieldwork experiences.
The combination of a multi-site study with a participatory process resulted in a research team that was both broad-based and large. The initiating agencies, SNV and GTZ, WERK members and the staff of partner organisations and volunteers were all part of the team albeit in different capacities. Specifically, SNV-Kenyan Street Children Programme provided the overall co-ordination and technical insight. Technical insight was also provided by GTZ that also ensured logistical support. The roles and responsibilities of the various key actors comprising the team are summarised in Table 1.
Table 1: Roles and Responsibilities of Research Team Members
|
The Team Members |
Roles and Responsibilities
|
|
GTZ, SNV |
·
Conceptualising the research ·
Commissioning and funding of
research ·
Management of process
especially in terms of providing logistical support ·
Negotiating broad technical
guidelines for implementation of research ·
Participating in monitoring
of process |
|
Partner Organisations |
·
Providing staff and
volunteers to conduct the field work ·
Participating in the
capacity-building workshops ·
Collecting the data
(quantitative and qualitative) ·
Participating in the feedback
sessions ·
Submitting self-reflections
on research experiences (optional) |
|
WERK |
·
Developing research framework
and design ·
Developing draft instruments
and guiding process for finalisation of the same ·
Capacity-building field
researchers in data collections methods and ethics ·
Monitoring the
data-collection process ·
Providing personnel for data
collection as and when necessary ·
Cleaning, coding, entering
and analysing the data ·
Writing the study report |
The
preparatory phase of the project was participatory and comprised several
interrelated and sometimes overlapping components. Each of the components is
described in some detail in the following pages.
An
initial meeting with various stakeholders initiated by SNV was held on
·
Since many of the
partner organisations were already involved in street work in their localities,
it would make sense for them to be involved in the process of data collection.
·
This involvement
would gain legitimacy and also ensure ownership of the research process.
·
The participating
organisations would essentially be the primary consumers of the data emanating
from the study
· The staff involved in the study would receive training in research skills and be awarded certificates at the end of the exercise.
The
meeting established the interest and the theoretical commitment at least of the
partner organisations in participating in the research.
A
second stakeholders’ meeting was held in September 2001. It was at this meeting
that WERK was brought on board. About seventy social workers nominated by
various Nairobi-based organisations working with street children to participate
in the Head Count attended the meeting. It was chaired by SNV while two senior
WERK researchers acted as facilitators.
The
purpose of the meeting was:
(a) to introduce WERK, the research co-ordinators, to
SNV/GTZ partner organisations involved with street work;
(b) to agree together on the broad participatory research
framework and the roles and responsibilities of the various partners;
(c) to establish the knowledge level that partners had on
research methods including exposure to the different data collection
techniques;
(d) to provide space for brainstorming and agreeing on the
criteria for the recruitment of researchers from partner organisations; and
(e) to map out the geographical areas that partner
organisations present would prefer to operate in relation to the proposed
study.
|
a) Sketch a map to your house b)
Pair up with the person seated next to you. If that person c)
Explain the directions (of your places of residence) to each This exercise helped to highlight the importance of rapport building and utilising ones observational skills (including skills of listening and remembering) in the process of research. Source: Second
Stakeholder Meeting |
Participatory
facilitation was used to achieve the above objectives. After general
introductions, participants were assigned an activity (see Box 1). The purpose
of the activity was manifold. First, it was designed to break the ice between
the various participants, many of who were meeting for the first time. Second,
it was meant to highlight the importance of rapport building, having good
observation skills and following instructions, all ingredients of good
researching. The activity thus served as an introduction to conducting field
research, and provided the focal point for further discussions on the research
techniques and issues.
This
meeting was thus crucial from the perspective of the study on children living
and working on the streets. It allowed the research co-ordinators to assess the
level of exposure of those present to various research methods. In this
respect, it was found that the vast majority of the participants had little or
no knowledge of what research entails. A very few had been involved as
assistants in quantitative surveys and/or taking notes in focus group
discussions (FGDs). The information gained from the meeting consequently helped
to design the training for the fieldwork based on an assessment of their needs.
During
this meeting, consensus was negotiated on the qualities expected in those
aspiring to join the research teams. These qualities included:
· Ability to speak one or more languages used by the research subjects
· Good interpersonal skills
· Willingness to learn and to work long hours
· Ability to capture views/opinions without imposing one’s own perspectives
· Ability to be team players
It was agreed that the every effort would be made to achieve gender and age balances in the composition of the research teams.
The criteria for selecting the sites for research were also identified during this meeting. Already, during the first stakeholders meeting, fourteen potential sites had been identified. Partner organisations interested in participating in the field-work phase of the study were required to choose from among these the site that
· They felt most comfortable working in
· Was closest to one’s place of residence and/or operations
· They were already working in.
This
process helped to re-cluster and reduce the number of proposed research sites
from fourteen to twelve. There were two main reasons that emerged for the
exclusion of some of the sites identified during the first stakeholders meeting
from the study, viz.
1.
Karen, Langata, Mwiki and Ruai were excluded because
partner organisations operating in those areas could not be identified.
2.
Dagoretti, Riruta and Kawangware were not included to
avoid duplication because AMREF had just concluded a study on vulnerable
children, including street children.
It
also helped the organisers to allocate volunteers from Ungana (Young friends of
AMREF) to the sites that had very few researchers.
The
next step in the process was drafting the instruments. For this WERK nominated
an internal technical committee (See Annex for list of members) to construct
the initial drafts of the Headcount and Survey questionnaires. These drafts,
constructed in English, were presented for critical discussion at the
Orientation Workshops (see section below), together with a Kiswahili version.
WERK members had initially done the translation.
The
Research Team went through the two questionnaires, item by item reviewing them
for relevance, language and length. This was done in three stages: (a) in
break-out groups; (b) in the two parallel workshop groups; and (c) finally in a
joint plenary where they debated the aspects they considered to be contentious.
It was agreed that the Kiswahili version, revised according to the
recommendations of the participants, would be administered to the research
subjects, keeping in mind that the interviewers would possibly have to
“translate” the instruments into the specific dialect used by the children in
particular research sites.
It was also recommended that the Research Consultants should develop a third instrument to be administered to the care-takers of children under five. This instrument, together with the other two, was piloted the week of 8-12 October 2001. Based on the experiences of the researchers in using them, the instruments were further modified. The English versions of the final questionnaires are attached in Annex 7.
Two orientation workshops for the researchers were held: first, before the commence-ment of the quantitative data collection and the second, prior to the qualitative component. Three and two days were spent on the quantitative and qualitative workshops respectively. Facilitated by the consultants, these workshops served to build the capacity of the research team.
An additional one-day training was provided to researchers who were recruited into the team at a later date to augment the numerical strength of the researchers. The new team members were trained only on the administration of the Head Count and Under-Five questionnaires.
Participants at the first workshop, numbering some fifty participants were divided into two groups based on the sites they had said they would work in. (See Table 2) In Group A, there were twenty-six participants while in Group B there were twenty-four. Group A and B had parallel sessions based on a common agenda developed by WERK prior to the workshop. Each group was facilitated by two senior researchers from WERK assisted by others in capacity-building positions (see names of Project Team Members).
Table 2: Distribution of research sites per group
|
GROUP A |
|
GROUP B |
||
|
Research Sites |
No of Researchers |
|
Research Sites |
No of Researchers |
|
Kibera |
5 |
|
Mathare-Eastleigh-Pangani |
6 |
|
|
2 |
|
Korogocho |
5 |
|
City Centre |
5 |
|
Pumwani-Kariokor-Ziwani-Majengo |
3 |
|
Mukuru |
7 |
|
Dandora-Maili |
3 |
|
Embakasi |
4 |
|
Kasarani |
3 |
|
KCC-BuruBuru-Kariobangi South |
3 |
|
Huruma-Kariobangi North |
5 |
|
TOTAL |
26 |
|
TOTAL |
25 |
The workshop objectives, as set by the Research Consultants, were to
· develop common understanding of the purpose of the proposed study on children living and working in the streets;
· familiarise the research team members with research methods appropriate to such a study;
· give them practice with the use of the Head Count and Survey Questionnaires;
· solicit the input of the research teams in the finalisation of the quantitative instruments;
· map the concentrations of children living and working on the streets by site as perceived by the organisations working with street children in the site (locale); and
· draw the site boundaries.
These above objectives were negotiated and reformulated together with the workshop participants. To attain the above objectives, the workshop used a dominantly participatory methodology. The specific facilitation methods used included:
· Games and exercises
· Buzz groups discussions
· Break-out group discussions
· Simulations
· Oral presentations/lectures
· Mapping
The introductory part of the workshop comprised an icebreaking exercise, which was meant to show how well one responds to questions. A word was written out on VIPP cards. These cards were then cut into half. The participants were then asked to find the matching half of the word, introduce themselves to the other partner, discuss the word, and come up with an agreed meaning of the word. The partners were also required to write one expectation and one fear that each one of them had of the workshop, recording them on VIPP cards, and posting the cards on the wall.
During the plenary, it was noted that some of the expectations and fears would actually be addressed during the workshop such as gaining an understanding of research methods, while others would be addressed immediately after the end of the workshop. Acquiring skills in doing research, for example, was initiated during the workshop period through simulated interviews and later, during the data collection process. Other expectations and fears were related to problems that they anticipated might crop up during the research process and strategies for dealing with these. The issue of safety and security of the field researchers was a recurring concern.
As noted previously, the major focus of the first capacity-building workshop was to familiarise the Research Team members with knowledge and skills in research methods. The workshop facilitators presented a quick overview of social research. The overview included the following components:
· Definitions and explanations of quantitative and qualitative research paradigms
· Data collection techniques associated with each of the paradigms
· Different sampling types and methods
· Various sources of data
· Data analysis
A considerable amount of time was spent on giving the participants skills in building rapport with research subjects as an essential part of the data collection process in general and in conducting effective interviews in particular. The Research Team members were at the same time exposed to ethical issues relating to fieldwork and reporting such as obtaining informed consent of the research subjects, maintaining confidentiality and resolving personal and professional conflicts. As already mentioned, the participants got opportunity to improve their interviewing skills by using the draft Head Count Questionnaire.
One of the anticipated problems was that of doing the headcount accurately in the absence of adequate information about their places of residence and work. Therefore, it was felt that one of the first steps would be to map the whereabouts of the children in each of the selected study sites. In order to do this, each of the two parallel workshop participants were divided into groups based on what they had identified as their work site. They were then asked to draw the boundaries of the sites and indicate within these boundaries the following:
· The sleeping/living locations of the children (e.g. chuoms[6])
· The work/subsistence locations (including dump sites)
· The recreational locations
· Major landmarks characterising the sites including the main roads and buildings (churches, schools, hospitals etc).
Each group drew the preliminary maps on large sheets of brown paper (pasted together as required) using coloured markers. During the joint plenary session, the maps were presented and discussed for accuracy, overlap and gaps. In case of overlap, site boundaries were negotiated between the concerned groups and consensus achieved. It should be pointed out that the site boundaries do not necessarily coincide with official (Kenyan) administrative boundaries.
Where
gaps in geographical coverage were identified, two alternatives were proposed:
1. First, it was agreed that some of the gaps would be addressed by those within or near whose site boundaries they were appearing. For example, with the Pumwani and City Centre teams, it was agreed that the latter would incorporate a "base"[7] that had been left out.
2. Second, for specific sites, it was agreed that the gaps would remain as gaps for the time being given constraints in time and resources. This was especially so for the Embakasi team whose coverage included areas such as Mwiki and Ruai but which could not be visited due to the aforementioned constraints.
Once consensus on the boundaries was achieved, the maps were dated and handed over to SNV for further processing after the workshop. A professional cartographer was contracted to reduce the maps to A3 size to make them friendly for use by the field researchers. They were then distributed to the field teams to guide the fieldwork process.
It is important to note that the maps drawn during the workshop were considered to be very tentative drafts. The accuracy of the details were expected to be validated during the field work by the researchers, and the corrections made so that by the end of the research period, the maps would reflect the reality on the ground at the time the research was conducted. For example, in the case of Embakasi, the locations noted on the map were found to be non-existent after piloting. In other cases, it was found that children had moved on to other places because dumping sites had been moved. [See Supplementary Annexes]
A
further two-day training in qualitative research methods was conducted on 21st
and
During
the workshop, the facilitators took the participants through the more common
qualitative research techniques (Focus Group Discussions, In-depth interviews
and observations) as well as creative methodologies (e.g. role plays, puppetry,
poetry, song/music). The importance of detailed note-taking, transcription and
recording was emphasised.
Participants
were given hands-on experience in developing and using creative qualitative
techniques of research. They were divided into the following thematic areas
derived from assessment of the issues arising from the quantitative research
phase:
·
Schooling
·
Health challenges
·
Sexuality and
transition issues and relationships
·
Conflict with the
law
·
Self-perception
vis-à-vis community perceptions
|
·
Researchers should not
pre-empt information ·
They need to probe further
for depth ·
They need to use language
that the children are familiar with. Rapport would be strengthened if the
interviewers used a bit of sheng[8] ·
The researchers would need to
strengthen their interviewing techniques to ensure that they are able to
guide the flow of the discussions in the desired direction without biasing
the responses. Source: Qualitative Orientation Workshop |
Each
group was assigned an issue that they were required to pursue using one of the
creative techniques discussed earlier in the workshop. The presentation by each
group was critiqued by the others and used as further learning points for
improving their techniques of data collection using the selected techniques.
A
tentative workplan was developed during the first training workshop to cover
the quantitative phase of the study. This workplan was subsequently revised and
the time period extended to the first two months of 2002. The qualitative phase
of the research was similarly scheduled for February 2002.
The collection of the data
commenced after the pilot period though it was agreed that the information
obtained during the pilot phase (especially the Headcount component) would
constitute part of the findings. The actual period of data collection varied
from site to site, depending on the time available to the researchers as well
as the situation on the ground. In most cases, the teams worked three days a
week with other competing duties taking up the remaining days of the week. Time
staggering was also done to ensure maximum access to the targeted children. For
example, the City Centre team worked during the night to include the children
involved in night street work. There were six sessions of night fieldwork
between
With the exception of four sites (City Centre, Kibera, Huruma/Kariobangi North and Pumwani) all the other sites concluded the collection of quantitative data by the third week of December. By the time of conclusion of the exercise in December, researchers at most of the sites had estimated that they had covered more than 90 percent of the targeted children in their areas. Among the external factors that disrupted the field work were:
· The bloody rent dispute clashes in Kibera already referred to in an earlier section.
· The clashes between the revivalist Mungiki[9] sect and matatu[10] touts for the control of the bus terminals in Dandora. In Racecourse and Kamukunji areas, children and youth could not be counted as a result.
Two
mechanisms were put in place to monitor the fieldwork process, i.e. (a) feedback
sessions and (b) field monitoring.